Going past that issue, we move into issues of personal liberty. Individuals in this country can choose where and how they live based upon their means and desires.
And while it is expected that sworn officers are "on duty" 24/7, in reality, we all need down time, and dealing with job related stress I would suggest this is more important to policemen.
On the other hand, considering budget resources, how about the idea of establishing "barracks" in high crime residential areas, with officers are paid extra to live in and be there for emergency situations ( an officer would not only have to live in the neighborhood, but would have to spend a minimum amount of verifiable hours in the that neighborhood)? Optimally, you would have several officers sharing a house to minimize revenge risks.
McGovern, G. (2013). Murdered justice: An exploratory study of targeted attacks on the justice community. Police Chief Magazine. Retrieved May 23, 2015 from
(George, 1996), p. 128). .While SDS and other New Left groups were unable to explain exactly what the "imperialism" they fought against was (Varon, 2004, p.51), they had no difficulty in declaring their support for the Marxist position. In this environment, Leftist assaults on policemen were increasing; by 1970 the number of policemen killed had quadrupled the average rate of the previous years
(Mallin, 1971, p.18). It was in this environment of hatred for America and leftist violence that SDS leaders organized the riot, "they knew that a confrontation in the streets of Chicago...would explode in political shocks..."(Collier & Horowitz, 2006, pp. 144-145). This type of planned violence is characteristic of a movement (SDS) in which "the rights of the majority are held in derision, and political opponents are prevented from speaking out" (Gerberding & Smith, 1970, p. 25).
Varon, J. (2004). Bringing the war home: the Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction, and revolutionary violence in the sixties and seventies. Berkeley: University of California Press.
It is interesting that Wilson suggests dividing police forces into components specializing in each function, one group devoted to public order and the other into law enforcement.
On a last note, Wilson discusses the use of intelligence to identify "bad actors" in a neighborhoods years before the ILP model is developed. Very few of the community policing models are "new", but it seems that some models apply to some situations while others don't, and that these situations change.