The
citizens of a Republic have an expectation that their right to free speech and
political participation should not be interfered with by the State. In addition, citizens expect that actions
undertaken by the State be subject to public review. The complication between theory and reality
comes into play when anti-Republic forces use extra-legal means to achieve
political goals. States may choose to
employ secrecy and extra-legal means to combat these subversive
organizations. This approach leads to
conflict between the expectations of the society and the means to protect
it. In addition, in any state, representative
or not, political influences
affect operations of the state. It is possible
that these political influences can aligned with subversive organizations and
interfere with national security operations.
In the case of the United States in the 1960's, the country was under
attack from illegal and violent acts by
the racist organization, the Ku Klux Klan. At the same time, Leftist terrorist groups that
were part of the collective "New Left" movement were also committing
violent attacks against America. The FBI
initiated operations against both groups. There are several reasons to
determine if political influence was responsible for differences in operations between the two goups; first,
to identify and remove any political influence from the government that aligns
with and abets subversive organizations that commit illegal acts, to determine
whether governemt agencies acted improperly, and to determine if government
agencies violated the balance between citizen rights and national security.
The
following research questions must be answered to explore the basic question:
·
Is counter subversion a primary responsibility
of the FBI?
·
What is subversion?
·
What is a legitimate domestic threat?
·
Was the Klu Klux Klan a legitimate domestic
threat?
·
Was the New Left a legitimate domestic threat?
·
Were there demonstratable differences in how operations
were conducted between the two groups?
·
Can politics be demonstrated to account for any
of those differences, if such differences exist?
The
primary method that will be used is
comparative historical inquiry. There
will also be some use of phenomenological research, as the viewpoints of Hoover assistants
Sullivan and DeLoacha will be examined. There has been some academic work done
in examining COINTELPRO operations, particularly in operations ahgainst the New
Left. Cunningham, as an example, examines
operations against both groups. Drabble
specializes in COINTELPRO:WHITE HATE operations, which targeted the Klan.
Powers, Gentry, Theoharis, and several others dig into the FBI's history,
including the political factors that drove the development of that
history. There is what could be seen an
endless fountain of government reports.
In the first type of government reports, actions of the Klan and the New
Left are investigated as a threat to domestic security. The second type of government reports focuses
on how the FBI responded to that threat, with many reports focusing on the
allged excesses of the program. The
third type of government report discusses the legal boundaries that domestic
security agencies must act within; this
last type of discussion continues today as America faces continued domestic
threats from Islam and the Left.
Selected References
Bendle, M. F. (2006). Terrorism and
the New Left in the ’Sixties. National
Observer, 71.
Berman, E. (2014). Regulating
Domestic Intelligence Collection. Washington
and Lee Law Review, 71(1), 3–91.
Bjelopera, J. (2013). The Federal Bureau of Investigation and
Terrorism Investigations. Congressional
Research Service.
Boraz, S. C., & Bruneau, T. C.
(2006). Reforming Intelligence: Democracy and Effectiveness. Journal
of Democracy, Volume 17, Number
3.
Bowornwathana, B., &
Poocharoen, O. (2010). Bureaucratic politics and administrative reform: Why politics matters. Public Organization Review, 10(4), 303–321.
Brister, P. D. (2011, September). Ku Klux Rising: Toward an understanding of
American right wing terrorist
campaigns. (Dissertation). Naval Postgraduate School.
Collier, P. and Horowitz, D.
(2006). Destructive generation: second
thoughts about the sixties. San
Francisco: Encounter Books.
Cunningham, D., & Browning, B.
(2004). The Emergence of worthy targets: Official frames and deviance narratives within the FBI.
Sociological Forum, 19(3), 347–369.
Cunningham, D. (2003).
Understanding state responses to Left-versus Right-wing threats: The FBI’s repression of the New Left and
the Ku Klux Klan. Social Science History,
27(3), 327–370.
Cunningham, D. (2003). The
Patterning of Repression: FBI Counterintelligence and the New Left. Social
Forces, 82(1), 209–240.
DeLoach, C. (1995). Hoover’s FBI: the inside story by Hoover’s
trusted lieutenant. Washington, D.C.:
Lanham, MD: Regnery Pub
Drabble, J. (2004). To ensure
domestic tranquility: The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE and political discourse, 1964–1971. Journal of American Studies, 38(2),
297–328.
Drabble, J. (2007). From white
supremacy to white power: The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE, and the Nazification of the Ku Klux Klan in the
1970s. American Studies, 48(3),
Gill, P. (2012). Intelligence,
threat, risk and the challenge of oversight. Intelligence & National Security,
27(2), 206–222.
Powers, R. G. (1987). Secrecy and power: the life of J. Edgar
Hoover. New York; London: Free Press;
Collier Macmillan.
Theoharis, A. G. (2004). The FBI & American democracy: a brief
critical history. Lawrence: University
Press of Kansas.
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